Tuesday, June 28, 2011

Islam and the West - "Religious Variations are Wonderful"

Imam Looks For Common Ground Between Islam And West
NPR, June 28, 2011


In late 2010, a debate over a proposed Islamic community center in lower Manhattan left many people angry and confused. Some critics erroneously tagged the community center the "Ground Zero mosque," and to them, it became an intolerable insult to families of 9/11 victims and the United States.

Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf, the spiritual leader and public face of the center at the time, was at the heart of the 2010 controversy. He tells NPR's Neal Conan that the center was never envisioned as a mosque. Instead, Rauf says, it was "intended all along to be a community center, just like the YMCA, opened to membership of people of all faith communities ... There was a group of people who really didn't care about the facts, didn't care about the truth, and just insisted on their narrative and used it to whip up a lot of negative emotion."

Rauf says the charged national debate "was really sad, and at the same time, and more importantly, dangerous and not helpful to improve relationships between the U.S. and the Muslim world." Muslims, Rauf notes, make up more than 20 percent of the world's population. And with extensive mutual geopolitical, military, economic and energy interests, Rauf says 'both sides want to see a better relationship, and need to see a better relationship."

But while he feels the Islamic center controversy did some damage to inter-faith understanding in the United States, Rauf says it also "served a very positive purpose." Both New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg and President Barack Obama publicly supported the center and its planned location.

That support, says Rauf, "really improved American stock value in the Muslim world. The fact that America, in spite of what happened on 9/11, and deeming it to be an attack by Islam against America — to be able to have the largeness of heart" to support what was widely known as a mosque "struck people in the Muslim world as an act of American generosity," Rauf says.

Plans for a center in lower Manhattan are on hold, but Rauf's organization, the Cordoba Initiative, an organization that seeks to encourage interfaith dialogue between Muslims and other faiths, is still seeking funds for the community center he envisioned — albeit in a different location, yet to be determined.

"A true multifaith center, that demonstrates the effective cooperation between Muslims and members of other faith communities, working together to address the substantive issues which divide us, would be a very powerful statement to make," Rauf says.

"The real divide is not between Islam and Americans, and Islam and Christianity and so forth. The real divide is between the extremists of all faith traditions, against the moderates of all faith traditions," Rauf says.

"Therefore, we moderates who believe in a god of love, who believe in the principles of respect and respecting differences, have to team up together and develop strategies ... to address those particular issues which divide us.

"Of course we do not believe that there are no differences between Muslims or Jews" or people of other faiths, Rauf says. "But these variations are wonderful."

Related:
Dispelling myths of constant warfare - Zaman, June 26, 2011

Highly recommended book - Aboard the Democracy Train By Nafisa Hoodbhoy

Cover Image
Pakistan through a journalist’s lens
Reviewed by Zubeida Mustafa, Dawn, June 26, 2011

Aboard the Democracy Train: A Journey through Pakistan’s Last Decade of Democracy
By Nafisa Hoodbhoy, Anthem Press, London

Aboard the Democracy Train — a title borrowed from Benazir Bhutto’s campaign by train for the 1988 election — is an account of politics in Pakistan through the experiences of a female reporter, Nafisa Hoodbhoy, working in a predominantly male environment. As a Dawn staffer from 1984 to 2000, she had access to people and places which gave her a ringside view of politics in Pakistan. It goes to her credit that she put her knowledge to good use. What has emerged is a remarkably readable and anecdotal account of events in Pakistan.

For the author’s contemporaries, the book is a journey down memory lane. By skilfully weaving in the story of her own life in journalism — the society she grew up in, her westernised upbringing in an elite and privileged family, her English medium school education and her disconnect from her Sindhi linguistic antecedents — Hoodbhoy provides an excellent perspective to a foreign reader of life in Pakistan when, in spite of many dichotomies and contradictions, people co-existed in relative harmony.

Hoodbhoy puts forth her opinion on why Pakistan failed to develop as a stable democracy: “the over-indulged state had, since the creation of the nation, taught political leaders one simple lesson: when they fell out with the military, they could be shaken down like dates from a palm tree.” The period covered in the book was a unique era of transition from press controls to relative freedom that came with the abolition of the hated Press and Publications Ordinance.

Those too were not easy times for journalists who faced the hazards of physical violence. The focus shifted from institutional control to a system that tried to keep individuals on leash. Hoodbhoy gives a thrilling account of how she narrowly missed being attacked twice when her reporting angered the wrong people. On one occasion she had to leave Karachi for a few weeks to allow tempers to cool. In the section “News is what the rulers want to hide” she gives a graphic account of the intimidation of the press and its members.

For complete review, click here

India-Pakistan Peace: Moving towards a dream... slowly


Moving towards a dream... slowly
Basharat Peer, The News, June 22, 2011
 
On May 12, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh travelled to Kabul for the first time since 2005. There, he announced $500 million in Indian aid, raising India’s total contribution to $2 billion for developmental projects for Afghanistan and increasing cooperation on security issues between the two governments. Singh’s pronouncements in Kabul were followed with great attention in Pakistan.

Asked whether India would mount a covert action similar to the United States operation to kill Osama bin Laden if it had credible evidence of fugitives wanted by India in Pakistan, Singh downplayed such a possibility: “Experience in the past has been rather frustrating and disappointing. One cannot lose hope. Let me say one thing: ...India is not like the United States.”

Days earlier, shortly after bin Laden’s killing in Pakistan, reporters had asked Indian Army chief Gen V K Singh and Indian Air Force chief P V Naik the same question: Could India go after Pakistan-based terrorists? The answer in both cases: Yes, we can.

Pakistan had retaliated with counterwarnings. Pakistani Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir remarked that such “misadventure” could lead to a “terrible catastrophe” — a quick reminder of his country’s nuclear capabilities.

Some Indian television anchors and strategic-affairs hawks had continued egging on the Indian government to raid Pakistan and assassinate men like Hafiz Saeed, the chief of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, whom India holds responsible for the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. The main opposition, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party called on Singh to rethink his Pakistan policy and demand Ibrahim’s extradition, saying “talks and terror cannot coexist.” Even within Singh’s Congress Party, several leaders clamoured to end talks with Pakistan. “Singh is in a minority even in his party, but he resisted all the pressure to end talks with Pakistan,” says an analyst.

Singh advocates Indian engagement with Pakistan aimed at resolving all disputes, including the future of Kashmir. A slow process of meetings between Indian and Pakistani officials has lumbered on since late 2003, reaching its most fruitful moment in April 2005, when the two countries agreed to allow a bus service for divided families across the Line of Control (LOC), the de facto border between Indian-controlled and Pakistan-controlled parts of Kashmir.

Some hopeful moments followed, as back-channel talks between India and Pakistan in 2006 and 2007 backed by Singh and then-President Pervez Musharraf came close to an informal agreement about the way out of the Kashmir dispute. Indian and Pakistani diplomats had come to agree on a largely autonomous Kashmir with soft borders between the Indian-controlled and Pakistani-controlled regions, followed by a gradual demilitarisation of the area. But the idea did not go further, due to subsequent political turmoil in Pakistan, followed by Musharraf stepping down in August 2008. India formally ended talks with Pakistan after terrorists based in Pakistan attacked Mumbai in November 2008.
For complete article, click here
 
Related:

Sunday, June 26, 2011

Inside Parachinar Today


A community under siege in tribal Pakistan

As US prepares troop withdrawal, Taliban's strong hold on border regions reveals Pakistan's vulnerability
, AlJazeera, 25 Jun 2011

Parachinar, in Pakistan's tribal north west, remains under siege. The only road connecting this district bordering Afghanistan to the rest of Pakistan has been blocked by Taliban fighters since 2007.
The blockade was briefly lifted in March, or so the Pakistani government proudly announced. The road was open again and travellers would be protected, they said. Owais, a 25-year-old recent graduate of engineering, was one of the few who took the risk and decided to visit his family.

On March 25, his Toyota Hiace and two other vans were stopped on the Thal-Parachinar road by Taliban fighters. Owais and 44 others were kidnapped.

The Taliban freed the women and children, but killed seven - some claim ten - of the abducted passengers. A further 30 men remained in captivity for close to three months.

After protracted negotiations between tribal elders, the Pakistani government, and varying Taliban factions, 22 of the captives were set free on June 21. Owais was one of the lucky ones.

"They have been handed to the government forces of the Frontier Corps and are on their way home," a friend of Owais told Al Jazeera.

Reports suggest the Taliban were paid a ransom of at least 30 million rupees, roughly $350,000. Eight men remain in captivity. And the road, though no longer described as "blocked", still remains highly insecure.

In his speech this week announcing the military transition in Afghanistan, President Barack Obama once again emphasised Pakistan's crucial role in combating extremism.

For complete article, click here

For Background:
More misery in Kurram Dr Mohammad Taqi - Daily Times, March 2, 2011
For how long will Parachinar humanitarian crisis persist? - Mumtaz Alvi, The News, June 21, 2011
Unrest ignored: After adults fail, children try to melt hearts of stone - Express Tribune, June, 2011
A Haqqani-brokered peace in Kurram agency? - Daud Khattak, Foreign Policy, February, 2011
Follow: http://parachinar616.wordpress.com/
Picture source: Express Tribune

Additional Recommended Links for Researchers:
The Haqqani Network in Kurram Agency - Critical Threats Org, 2011
Sectarian Violence in Kurram Agency - PSRU, Bradfor University, 2008
Militancy and Conflict in Kurram Agency: The Battle for Pakistan - New America Foundation, 2010
Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan - CTC West Point, 2011

The Future of Afghanistan - And America

In Speech On Afghanistan, Obama Turns To The Battle For America’s Future
By MICHAEL SCHERER, TIME, June 22, 2011

President Obama arranged for the television networks to break from local programing Wednesday so he could announce his decision to withdraw 30,000 troops from Afghanistan by next summer, and transition out of combat there by 2014. But the Americans who tuned in got to watch a different speech altogether.

After dispatching with the particulars–the death of bin Laden, the trouble with Pakistan, the numbers in Afghanistan–Obama turned to the battle in the American heartland, the one that has alarmed its citizens for years without reprieve, the battle against creeping economic despair and stagnation, a feeling that the country, its economy, its workforce, its homes have all seen their best days.

“America,” Obama said, “it is time to focus on nation building here at home.”

For complete article, click here

Related:
US military leaders fear Afghanistan withdrawal will increase soldier deaths - Telegraph
Text of President Obama Speech on Afghanistan - New York Times
Analysis: No turning back for Obama on Afghan war - AP
Listen up, America! Global reactions to Obama's Afghanistan speech - CNN

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Pakistan Army and Hizb ul Tahrir - Arrest of a Brigadier


Arrest of Pakistani officer revives fears of extremism within military,  
By Tim Lister and Aliza Kassim, CNN, June 22, 2011

(CNN) -- Brigadier General Ali Khan was close to retiring at the end of a distinguished career in the Pakistani Army when he was detained early in May -- and accused of links with an outlawed Islamist group.
His arrest, which became public Tuesday, shocked fellow officers at army headquarters and again raises the specter that senior ranks of the Pakistani officer corps may be infiltrated by Islamist militants.
Brigadier Khan is the most senior officer to face such allegations since 1995, according to a CNN analysis of previous cases.
Army spokesman Major General Athar Abbas said Khan was believed linked to Hizb ut-Tahrir (Party of Liberation). He said efforts were underway to arrest members of the group who had been in contact with Khan.
"The military has zero tolerance for any such activity and strict disciplinary action will be taken against those involved," said Major General Abbas.
Pakistani officials say Brigadier General Khan, who is 59, had an administrative role at army headquarters in Rawalpindi. His work did not involve counterterrorism and he did not command any unit. But he would have seen plenty of sensitive information….
Reuters news agency quoted Khan's wife as dismissing the allegations as "rubbish," saying her husband was "an intellectual, an honest, patriotic and ideological person."
"It's a fashion here that whosoever offers prayers and practices religion is dubbed as Taliban and militant," Reuters quoted her as saying….
Hizb ut-Tahrir says it is committed to non-violence but has urged soldiers to rebel against the military hierarchy and its goal it to establish a global Islamic Caliphate.
Simon Valentine, a British researcher who has studied extremism in the Pakistani armed forces, said that while Hizb ut-Tahrir doesn't advocate violence "a cardinal element of its ideology and modus operandi is to infilitrate the armed forces and, once gaining sufficient support, cause a military coup."
"Despite claims of zero tolerance of HuT within the Army," he said, "militant Islam, including the HuT, has much support from the grass roots to the highest level within all branches of the armed forces."…
Hassan Abbas, a scholar at Columbia University who has written extensively about Pakistani military intelligence, the ISI, told CNN he suspected there was more to the case than any alleged contacts with Hizb ul-Tahrir.
"Association with such a group would not be enough to hold him for six weeks," especially as Khan was weeks away from retirement, he said.
Abbas, author of "Pakistan's Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army and America's War on Terror," said there is an alarming trend that includes Pakistani pilots refusing to bomb militant strongholds, and units surrendering to militant groups rather than fire on them.
……
Valentine, who is a regular visitor to Pakistan, said Khan's arrest may be "part of an attempt to bolster the army's reputation amid accusations that it is pro-militant," in the wake of the raid by U.S. special forces that killed bin Laden.
But Hassan Abbas believes the military had no desire for the Khan case to become public. "The military is in deep crisis in the aftermath of Abbottabad," he says. "They would have preferred to hush this up."

For complete article, click here

Related:
Pakistan army officer held for 'links with extremists' - BBC; Army confirms brigadier’s arrest for extremist ties - Express Tribune; Brigadier’s arrest shows extent of radicalisation  - The News

Monday, June 20, 2011

Counterterrorism Strategy of India: Challenges and Potential

NATGRID will prove to be a security nightmare
By V Balachandran, The Sunday Guardian, June 20, 2011

This column is about NATGRID (National Intelligence Grid), which is supposed to improve our counter-terrorist capability. But first let me tell you a story. Three years after my retirement, my friend introduced me to a Mumbai bulk garment exporter who had a problem. Once a leading figure in this trade, his business had collapsed by 1990. His problem started soon after making a confidential declaration under the 1997 Voluntary Disclosure Scheme. He started receiving extortion threats from the "underworld", quoting the exact figures he had revealed to the income-tax authorities. I then referred him to the Mumbai police commissioner.

This incident is relevant while examining the "NATGRID" data transfer system originally unveiled by Home Minister P. Chidambaram in December 2009 and operational now. Ten "user" Central agencies will be able to electronically access 21 sensitive databases, now held in several areas like banks, credit card, internet, cell phones, immigration, motor vehicle departments, railways, National Crime Records Bureau, SEBI and Income Tax Department. Along with the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network System (CCTNS), which will integrate the Central and state crime data, NATGRID will give a suspect's "360 degree" profile. The Home Minister told a TV channel (12 June) that incidents like 26/11 or Headley's repeated visits to India could be prevented or detected by this system. He also discounted the possibility of NATGRID violating any privacy, since it will not "store" the data, but only facilitate transfer. Data will continue to be "owned" by the 21 databases. This data vehicle will have the highest security firewalls and its own management hierarchy. Hence, the fears of the Ministry of Home Affairs becoming a Leviathan are also unfounded.

I am not sure that NATGRID will prevent incidents like 26/11, because the state police or different defence departments are not mentioned among the 10 "user agencies". As a member of the state government appointed 26/11 enquiry committee, which, however, was not allowed to examine the Central agencies, it is my impression that intelligence pointers already available with some Central agencies were not communicated to the state government or the Navy and Coast Guard. How will NATGRID help if the agencies are not willing to share current intelligence? As for Headley's repeated visits, why did the Intelligence Bureau, which controls the computerised Bureau of Immigration, need NATGRID to tell them this information which was already with them?

For complete article, click here

For Background: See
India's Counterterrorism Strategy 2004-08: flawed Political Approaches - South Asia Analysis Group
"Improving India's Counterterrorism Policy after Mumbai" - CTC Sentinel, volume 2, issue 4
The Militaization of India By Yasmin Qureshi - Counterpunch
India Approves Anti-Terror Database - VOA
Security and Counterterrorism in India - STATFOR

Thursday, June 16, 2011

Murshid, Marwa Na Daina by Mohammad Hanif - A Must Read

Murshid, Marwa Na Daina
Mohammad Hanif, Newsline, June 2011

What is the last thing you say to your best general when ordering him to conduct a do-or-die mission? A prayer maybe, if you are religiously inclined. A short lecture underlining the importance of the mission if you want to keep it businesslike. Or maybe you just say ‘good luck,’ accompanied by a clicking of the heels and a final salute.

On the night of July 5, 1977 as Operation Fair Play, meant to topple Z.A. Bhutto’s elected government, was about to commence, the then army chief General Zia-ul-Haq took his right-hand man and the Corps Commander of 10th Corps, Lt General Faiz Ali Chishti aside and whispered to him: “Murshid, marwa na daina.” (Murshid, don’t get us killed.)

Zia was indulging in two of his favourite pastimes: spreading paranoia among those around him, and cosying up to the junior officer he needed to do his dirty work. General Zia had a talent for that; he could make his juniors feel as if they were indispensable to the running of this world. And he could make his seniors feel like gods – as Bhutto found out at the cost of his life.

General Faiz Ali Chisti’s troops didn’t face any resistance that night; not a single shot was fired and like all military coups in Pakistan, this was dubbed a ‘bloodless coup.’ There was a lot of bloodshed in the following years though; in military-managed dungeons at Thori gate, in Bohri Bazar, around Ojhri camp and finally at Basti Laal Kamal near Bahawalpur, where a plane exploded killing General Zia and most of the Pakistan army’s high command. General Faiz Ali Chisti, of course, had nothing to do with this. General Zia rid himself of his murshid soon after coming to power. Chishti had started to take that term of endearment – murshid – a bit too seriously, and dictators can’t stand anyone who thinks of himself as the king-maker.

Thirty-four years on Pakistan is a society divided at many levels. There’s the beghairat bunch throwing economic statistics at the ghairat brigade, there are laptop jihadis and liberal fascists and fair-weather revolutionaries. There are Balochi freedom fighters up in the mountains and bullet-riddled bodies of young political activists in obscure Baloch towns. And of course there are the members of civil society with a permanent glow on their faces, presumably on account of all their candlelight vigils.

All these factions may not agree on anything, but there is a consensus on one point: General Zia’s coup was a bad idea. When was the last time anyone heard Nawaz Sharif or any of Zia’s numerous protĆ©gĆ©s thump their chest and say, ‘Yes, we need another Zia?’ And have ever you seen a Pakistan military commander who stood on Zia’s grave and vowed to continue his mission?

For complete article, click here

Friday, June 10, 2011

Five Favorite Books on Pakistan

Hassan Abbas on Reform in Pakistan
Interview by, Sophie Roell
The Browser, Jun 9, 2011

Excerpts
Tell me about the book by Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam.

This is an old book, from 1930, before Pakistan’s creation. It’s based on lectures given by Dr Iqbal, the Indian poet-philosopher who initially came up with the idea of Pakistan. He is also officially designated as the country’s “national poet”. You can buy this book everywhere in Pakistan – not only major bookstores, but small ones as well. Iqbal emphasises the concept of ijtihad. This is an Arabic word, which implies creative interpretation of Islamic law through rational or logical reasoning. He is making the case that religious belief, especially when its ideas are applied to politics, should be rational. He was also a supporter of representative democracy. Today his ideas are very relevant, especially when we have to counter the dogmatism of religious forces in the political arena, and challenge those involved in militancy or terrorism using Islam. His book makes the case that Islam is not rigid – as Muslim theologians portray it – and it has some very progressive credentials and dimensions.
 
Iqbal’s ideas and philosophy have the credibility to help democratic forces in Pakistan a lot. Because when any newcomer, or an upcoming scholar, talks about these progressive aspects he is immediately dubbed pro-Western – which is, unfortunately, a negative term in various parts of the country. Iqbal was very open-minded in his religious discourse, and his main message to the Muslims of South Asia was to come out of intellectual stagnation and realise their potential through education and political action. His six lectures, which are transcribed in this book, can play a very constructive role in Pakistani society today.

For complete interview, click here

Monday, June 06, 2011

The Future of Al-Qaeda

The future of al-Qaeda
By Tariq Parvez and Hassan Abbas,
Foreign Policy, AfPak Channel, June 6, 2011   

Tariq Parvez, a leading expert on terrorism, is the former director general of Pakistan's Federal Investigation Agency and led Pakistan's National Counterterrorism Authority. Hassan Abbas is Quaid-i-Azam professor at Columbia University and author of the Asia Society's recently published "Pakistan 2020: A Vision for Building a Better Future."

The death of Osama bin Laden on May 2 in Abbottabad, Pakistan is undoubtedly a major setback for al-Qaeda and a significant achievement for the United States and its allies. In recent days, al-Qaeda purportedly has released several statements, including a lengthy two-part video, but its message since bin Laden's killing remains confused. While the first statements released by the group and its affiliates focused on praising bin Laden and vowing new attacks, the most recent video focuses instead on "one-man" terrorist attacks in the West, featuring mostly recycled footage mixed in with some new segments from American Adam Gadahn and Libyan al-Qaeda ideologue Abu Yahya al-Libi.
While spurring followers to commit "lone wolf" attacks is not new for al-Qaeda, the video's message is a far cry from sweeping past statements about change and revolution. Al-Qaeda has been driven off-message by bin Laden's death, as well as by the "Arab Spring" uprisings, which compounded years of decline brought on by people growing fed up with al-Qaeda's violent agenda. But whether these shocks to the organization are temporary or whether they presage the beginning of the end for al-Qaeda as a terrorist organization is a critical question. In our assessment, Al-Qaeda's future depends on three factors.

First, al-Qaeda's ability to resolve the issue of its leadership succession expeditiously and to the satisfaction of all or most of its key players will be critical in determining its viability as a global presence with influence on far-flung affiliates from Algeria to Iraq. The news of Egyptian Saif al-Adel's appointment as the interim al-Qaeda chief is making the rounds, but it is not clear yet who appointed him to the job, whether he claims the title himself or if this is truly an organizational decision, though reports indicate that he was chosen by a small group of leaders based on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. If any controversy arises within al-Qaeda circles about his stature and credentials, then the chances of the organization withering away into fragments shall increase considerably.

Apparently, none of the likely challengers for the successor's spot, such as Ayman al-Zawahiri, Abu Yahya al-Libi and others, can step into bin Laden's shoes at this moment. Therefore, al-Adel or anyone who is confirmed as leader will almost certainly have to carry out a series of spectacular terrorist acts to prove his credentials and get al-Qaeda back in the game. That is, no doubt, a tall order. But given the resilience of the organization over the years, and despite an aggressive counter-terrorism effort from the United States and its allies around the world, al-Qaeda should not be totally written off. But if the new leader, when he is announced, fails to quickly receive support and public declarations of loyalty from al-Qaeda affiliates and is not able to carry out big attacks, then al-Qaeda may have suffered a near-death blow.

For complete article, click here

Afghan Dynamics: Talks with Taliban, Warlords and NATO

Wedded to the warlords: NATO’s unholy Afghan allianceGRAEME SMITH, From Saturday's Globe and Mail, 

Saturday, June 04, 2011

Pakistan's National Budget: Rising Defence Expenditures, Low Growth and Low Revenue Collection...

A huge disconnect
By S. Akbar Zaidi, Dawn, June 4, 2011

Compared to his budget speech last year, the finance minister’s speech yesterday was empty and disappointing. It was devoid of much content or merit and failed to identify or address any of Pakistan’s numerous pressing problems.

It is difficult to say what more he would have added had he not faced much of the abuse hurled at the government, something which only a full reading of the text will reveal.

Based on what he presented just a day earlier in the form of Pakistan’s Economic Survey for the current financial year, the budget presented by the finance minister yesterday for the fiscal year 2011-12, confirms what many economists have been saying for some time.

There is a huge disconnect between the real problems which afflict Pakistan’s economy and its people, and the government’s response to them. It seems that this government does not have the ability, or perhaps even the desire, to address Pakistan’s key economic problems.

It certainly does not have a plan. What makes matters for worse is that this is the last-but-one budget before elections are held and the budget to be announced next June will have to be a populist election budget which tries to win votes rather than take difficult decisions.

Because of this, the budget presented yesterday was a major disappointment and fails to address Pakistan’s economic problems, and will only make matters worse.

For complete article, click here

Related:
Budget 2010-2011: Defence spending up by 12% - Express Tribune
Pakistan Budget Seen Lackluster - WSJ
Pakistan Aims to Cut Budget Gap, Spur Growth Amid Taliban Threat - Bloomberg
Text of budget speech 2011-12 by Pakistan's Finance Minister - The News
Vast debt highlights Pakistan's budget - The National

Friday, June 03, 2011

Charlie Rose Show: Saleem Shazad's Murder and Pakistan's Security

Screen shot 2011-06-02 at 4.43.40 PM.png
Charlie Rose show on June 1, 2011: Hassan Abbas, author of a new report, "Pakistan 2020: A Vision for Building a Better Future," Pir Zubair Shah of The New York Times and Shuja Nawaz of Atlantic Council discuss questions about Pakistan's security agencies and relations with the U.S.

For complete video of the interview, click here

Related:
Charlie Rose Preview: Abbas on Pakistan's Security - Bloomberg
Abbas on Charlie Rose: Saleem Shahzad 'Hurt' Pakistan's Military, Al Qaeda - by Shreeya Sinha, Asia Society Blog

Wednesday, June 01, 2011

The Murder of Journalist Saleem Shahzad - Deplorable and Tragic

Missing Pakistan journalist Saleem Shahzad found dead near Islamabad
Shahzad's body was discovered less than two days after he was allegedly abducted by ISI, Pakistan's intelligence service
Declan Walsh in Islamabad, The Guardian